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A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle - download pdf or read online

By Aaron L. Friedberg

There's no denying China's transforming into fiscal power, yet its impression at the worldwide stability of strength continues to be hotly contested. Political scientist Aaron L. Friedberg argues that our nation's leaders are failing to behave expeditiously adequate to counter China's turning out to be power. He explains how the U.S. and China outline their objectives and divulges the innovations every one is now utilizing to accomplish its ends. Friedberg demonstrates during this provocative publication that the final word objective of chinese language policymakers is to "win with no fighting," displacing the USA because the major strength in Asia whereas warding off direct disagreement. the USA, nevertheless, sends deceptive indications approximately our commitments and unravel, placing us in danger for a warfare that would another way were refrained from. A much-needed warning call to U.S. leaders and policymakers, A Contest for Supremacy is a compelling interpretation of a contention that may cross some distance to figure out the form of the twenty-first century.

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Additional info for A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia

Sample text

In the late 1970s and early 1980s when Deng repeatedly mentioned political democracy as an element of Chinese political reform, he meant to allow different voices inside the Party rather than multi-party competition. During the long history of China, there has rarely been a precedent for democracy in the sense of multi-party contest for political power. 13 On December 10th, 1976, at the Second National Agricultural Conference on “Learning from Dazhai” – a socialist model village that had gained its fame for hard work and collective spirit during the Cultural Revolution – Hua underscored economic development as a prerequisite for successful socialism.

At the beginning, Hua’s unflinching loyalty to Mao cost him political capital. 11 This debate, and the resounding triumph of pragmatism, watered down the ideological monopoly of radical Maoism pursued during the Cultural Revolution. Thus, without repudiating Mao or renouncing its own ideological base of legitimacy, the Chinese Communist Party opened the door for reform. Immediately after the death of Mao, Chinese politics witnessed swift and significant changes in both personnel and ideology. Without these, the later market reforms would have been unthinkable.

In the previous decade, pecuniary rewards were condemned as a relic of capitalism and rarely used as an instrument to motivate workers and peasants. In August 1977, salaries were raised for the majority of workers. Bonus and piece-rate payments were reinstalled in May 1978. The price mechanism gradually returned in labor management, though labor mobility was still strictly controlled. ” Workplace disciplines, abolished in the previous decade, were reintroduced and ordered production was restored.

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