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By William Geraint Vaughan Rosser

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Both of these groups, based as they were in cities, had a strong grip on the political process. ”21 The industrial groups were determined to preserve their positions and believed that alternative policies, with a more balanced development, would mean a return to colonial-style subordination. This view was articulated particularly forcefully by academics 19 20 21 World Bank (1993; 206). See Bates (1981). Nelson (1992; 244). ”22 By the end of the 1970s, this mechanism had produced widespread fiscal crisis.

39 Again, this kind of case was made again and again from the political right, especially in the United States, as part of an argument against the involvement of the Bretton Woods institutions: this was the point made in the 1980s on the op-ed pages of the Wall Street Journal in the discussion of the Latin American debt crisis, or by Milton Friedman in 1997–8 in discussing the Asian financial crisis. The work of the IMF in this initial period of activism was based on the hope that developing countries would soon participate in the general movement that was so evident in Europe away from inflation, exchange controls, and multiple rates and toward liberalization and the growth of international trade.

Politically, the new definition came about as a result of the breakup of colonial regimes and the advent of independence. Within a short space of time, international institutions gained a large number of new members, and a new sort of political presence. From 1960 to 1963, the membership of the IMF rose from 68 to 101. ” Development would be an important part of the assertion of national independence: it meant evolving a material basis that would eliminate economic dependence, and also satisfy the new demands and expectations of citizens.

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